I am having to take a break from work, because I feel like I've been reading a Spanish version of Charles Dickens's Bleak House. If you have never read Bleak House, I advise against it. I have read it, and it's a slog. It is the story of a lawsuit that drags on for years and years, involving inheritance and the squabbles produced at times by such matters.
In 1806, Agueda Seguí, citizen of St. Augustine, Spanish East Florida, died at the age of 80. Her third husband, Juan Capó, followed her in death two years later, at 96. What occurred after that sure reads like Bleak House, especially when the story is found in some eighteen pages of cramped, crabbed, two-hundred-year-old handwriting that suffers from fading, wormholes, bleed-through, and smudges.
Juan and Agueda both died intestate. Thus, an administration was conducted, to see what the contents of the estate were, what they were worth, and how they would be distributed. Agueda's three daughters from a previous marriage and Juan's three sons from a previous marriage entered into a squabble over the few simple belongings of the deceased couple, who had no children together. The sons claimed exclusive rights to all the belongings, never mind Agueda's contribution to the 23-year marriage. The daughters, of course, felt cheated. And thereby hangs the tale which, like Dickens's story, does not seem to have reached a true resolution, except that the governor told the sons that they could do nothing more than liquidate the assets of the estate, rather than taking and using the property, which included 8 slaves.
Lorenzo Capó, who may have been Juan's nephew or cousin (I have yet to determine the family relationships here through original documents, but I'm working on it) was asked to be the administrator, and he must soon have realized what a mess he had walked into. He petitioned Governor Enrique White to appoint an impartial expert for the evaluation of the estate. The governor responded with two appointees -- Bartolomé de Castro y Ferrer, a lawyer, and Martín Hernández, the city's master carpenter.
There is a silver lining, however: Genealogical information. A whole boatload of it! Death records, marriage records, baptism records -- all are referred to in this long file, with certifications by various priests stationed in St. Augustine over the years. The children of each are identified, along with the husbands of the daughters, which makes them a little easier to trace, though the task is generally easier in Spanish documents (and those of other Romance-language countries) anyway, because they tend to identify women by their maiden surnames rather than their married names. English-based documents tend to forget women's maiden surnames, making them much harder to trace.
In this file also is a chilling look at the institution of slavery, practiced in Spanish Florida. There is a list of the inventory of slaves, including children. One four-year-old is assessed at 100 pesos. Another, a six-month-old little boy who was ill, is assessed at 30 pesos. These eight human beings were the costliest, and most valuable, assets of the estate.
The file also contains a glimpse of the daily life of this couple, who did not have much besides their slaves. The inventory of their house and its meager contents takes up barely half a page, and the house ends up being valued at 104 pesos, 3 reales, 1/2 maravedí*.
Though this real-life Spanish version of Bleak House is difficult to slog through, the gems and nuggets contained in it are worth the slog.
[* The peso at the time of this inventory, 1809, was roughly equivalent to the U.S. dollar. 8 reales made up 1 peso, and a maravedí was around 1/30 a real, of less value than a U.S. penny. The value of the house comes to, in round numbers, $1616.22 in 2016 U.S. dollars. The sick little enslaved boy's value comes out to $466.22, and the healthy four-year-old girl to $1554.05.]
[Estate of Juan Capó and Agueda Seguí (Administration), Testamentary Proceedings, Reel 142, Bundle 312, No. 4, East Florida Papers.]
Karen LeSueur Packard Rhodes's musings about genealogy, including recent developments, methods and sources, her own family history, and whatever is and can be related to them.
Friday, June 2, 2017
Saturday, February 11, 2017
Another Disambiguation: Three Miguel O'Reillys in St. Augustine!
In 1788, there were three men named Miguel (Michael) O'Reilly in St. Augustine, Spanish Florida. Their disambiguation was necessary to identify the one who was a witness to the petition of Guillermo (William) Gernon and Isabel (or Elizabeth) MacEnery for permission to marry, filed 17 December 1788.(1) In his witness statement, the particular Miguel O'Reilly stated that he was 31 years old. According to the 1793 census, there was a Miguel O'Reilly in St. Augustine who was either married or widowed, with three sons, a businessman or trader (tratante in Spanish).(2)
The most well-known man of the same name was the Irish assistant priest at the Catholic church. He would have been 36 years old in 1788, the year of the above petition. He died in 1812.(3) As a Catholic priest, he was, of course, single. He can be ruled out.
Another Miguel O'Reilly was a single young man, according to his death certificate, 25 years old at the time of his death, possibly in some sort of industrial accident. He would have been either 22 or 23 in 1788, too young to be the witness to Gernon's petition. Nothing else is known of him besides his marital status, his age at death, and his date of death, 28 November 1791.(4)
The third Miguel O'Reilly, the businessman, self-described as above as 31 years old and shown to have children, signed his name to the petition of 1788. At that time, many men, especially those of importance or substance, added a flourish to their signatures, known as a rubric. Father Miguel O'Reilly, the priest, had a rubric which was complex, with an ornate flourish at the end.(5) His handwriting differs significantly from the signature on the petition, and he has already been ruled out.
Miguel O'Reilly the businessman had a rubric which was simple and quick to execute, indicative of one who deals with a considerable amount of paperwork, as seen on his signature on the 1788 petition. The Miguel O'Reilly who witnessed Guillermo Gernon's petition in 1788 was the businessman O'Reilly.
(1) Petition of Guillermo Gernon for permission to marry Ysabel Mac-Enery, Matrimonial licenses, Reel 132, Bundle 298R9, #31, East Florida Papers. (Names are as they are in the document.)
(2) 1793 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, f. 135v.
(3) Michael V. Gannon, The Cross in the Sand (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1965), 116.
(4) Death certificate of Miguel O'Reilly, Death records, Book 1, 1784-1793, Ecclesiastical Records of the St. Augustine Diocese, Vanderbilt University (online).
(5) For an example of Father Miguel O'Reilly's rubric, see any of the church records, Ecclesiastical Records of the St. Augustine Diocese, Vanderbilt University, (online), between 1784 and 1812.
The most well-known man of the same name was the Irish assistant priest at the Catholic church. He would have been 36 years old in 1788, the year of the above petition. He died in 1812.(3) As a Catholic priest, he was, of course, single. He can be ruled out.
Another Miguel O'Reilly was a single young man, according to his death certificate, 25 years old at the time of his death, possibly in some sort of industrial accident. He would have been either 22 or 23 in 1788, too young to be the witness to Gernon's petition. Nothing else is known of him besides his marital status, his age at death, and his date of death, 28 November 1791.(4)
The third Miguel O'Reilly, the businessman, self-described as above as 31 years old and shown to have children, signed his name to the petition of 1788. At that time, many men, especially those of importance or substance, added a flourish to their signatures, known as a rubric. Father Miguel O'Reilly, the priest, had a rubric which was complex, with an ornate flourish at the end.(5) His handwriting differs significantly from the signature on the petition, and he has already been ruled out.
Miguel O'Reilly the businessman had a rubric which was simple and quick to execute, indicative of one who deals with a considerable amount of paperwork, as seen on his signature on the 1788 petition. The Miguel O'Reilly who witnessed Guillermo Gernon's petition in 1788 was the businessman O'Reilly.
(1) Petition of Guillermo Gernon for permission to marry Ysabel Mac-Enery, Matrimonial licenses, Reel 132, Bundle 298R9, #31, East Florida Papers. (Names are as they are in the document.)
(2) 1793 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, f. 135v.
(3) Michael V. Gannon, The Cross in the Sand (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1965), 116.
(4) Death certificate of Miguel O'Reilly, Death records, Book 1, 1784-1793, Ecclesiastical Records of the St. Augustine Diocese, Vanderbilt University (online).
(5) For an example of Father Miguel O'Reilly's rubric, see any of the church records, Ecclesiastical Records of the St. Augustine Diocese, Vanderbilt University, (online), between 1784 and 1812.
Friday, February 10, 2017
Disambiguating the Two Francisco Genovars
Among the many pairs or groups of same-named individuals in St. Augustine, Florida, during the Second Spanish Period (1784-1801), there were apparently two men named Francisco Genovar. They were not father and son.
Here is how I differentiate them to conclude that they were indeed two separate and distinct persons:
Francisco Genovar, son of Juan Genovar and Antonia Murillo (1)
There is no record of a Francisco Genovar in the Golden Book of the Minorcans, the church records of the parish on the plantation of Andrew Turnbull at New Smyrna. The birth or baptism records of the first Francisco, above, born ca. 1764, would not appear, as the plantation did not begin until 1768. Age of the second Francisco Genovar, signed Yenobart, is not known. Juan Genovar and Antonia Murillo, parents of the first Francisco, above, do appear in the Golden Book, as parents of daughters baptized in the New Smyrna parish. As the first Francisco Genovar's father appears in the 1784, 1786, and 1793 censuses of St. Augustine, and the parents of the second did not, by his testimony and the testimony of witnesses, live in St. Augustine or in the province of East Florida but remained in Minorca, these two Francisco Genovars are sons of different parents, and are two separate and distinct persons.
(1) 1786 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, folio 22v.
(2) Ibid.
(3) Ibid.
(4) Ibid.
(5) Ibid.
(6) Ibid.
(7) 1784 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, p. 26
(8) Baptism of Francisco's sister, María Antonia, abstracts of baptismal records, 1784-1792, typed manuscript at the St. Augustine Historical Society, page 21)
(9) 1793 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, f. 111r
(10) Witness statement of Juan Geonvar, Petition of Juan Gianopoly for permission to marry, Matrimonial licenses, Reel 132, Bundle 298R9, #33, East Florida Papers.
(11) White Marriages, Book 1, 1784-1801, Ecclesiastical Records of the St. Augustine Diocese, page 136, entry 152, Vanderbilt University (online)
(12) Ibid.
(13) Petition of Francisco Yenobart for permission to marry, Matrimonial licenses, Reel 132, Bundle 298R9, #110, East Florida Papers.
Here is how I differentiate them to conclude that they were indeed two separate and distinct persons:
Francisco Genovar, son of Juan Genovar and Antonia Murillo (1)
- Native of Mallorca (2)
- 22 years old in 1786 (3) (therefore, born ca. 1764, Mallorca)
- Single (4)
- Sailor (5)
- Parents from Minorca (6)
- Father from Minorca (7)
- Father from San Miguel, Minorca; mother from Mahon, Minorca (8)
- Father, Juan, from Mallorca (9)
- Juan Genovar, father, native of Mallorca (10)
- Literate enough to sign his name (most sailors were not)
- Occupation unknown
- Son of Juan Mariano Genovar (or Genovart) and Juana Marquez (11)
- Parents native of Minorca (12)
- Had no parents or other relatives in St. Augustine or the province of East Florida (13)
There is no record of a Francisco Genovar in the Golden Book of the Minorcans, the church records of the parish on the plantation of Andrew Turnbull at New Smyrna. The birth or baptism records of the first Francisco, above, born ca. 1764, would not appear, as the plantation did not begin until 1768. Age of the second Francisco Genovar, signed Yenobart, is not known. Juan Genovar and Antonia Murillo, parents of the first Francisco, above, do appear in the Golden Book, as parents of daughters baptized in the New Smyrna parish. As the first Francisco Genovar's father appears in the 1784, 1786, and 1793 censuses of St. Augustine, and the parents of the second did not, by his testimony and the testimony of witnesses, live in St. Augustine or in the province of East Florida but remained in Minorca, these two Francisco Genovars are sons of different parents, and are two separate and distinct persons.
(1) 1786 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, folio 22v.
(2) Ibid.
(3) Ibid.
(4) Ibid.
(5) Ibid.
(6) Ibid.
(7) 1784 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, p. 26
(8) Baptism of Francisco's sister, María Antonia, abstracts of baptismal records, 1784-1792, typed manuscript at the St. Augustine Historical Society, page 21)
(9) 1793 Census, Reel 148, Bundle 323A, East Florida Papers, f. 111r
(10) Witness statement of Juan Geonvar, Petition of Juan Gianopoly for permission to marry, Matrimonial licenses, Reel 132, Bundle 298R9, #33, East Florida Papers.
(11) White Marriages, Book 1, 1784-1801, Ecclesiastical Records of the St. Augustine Diocese, page 136, entry 152, Vanderbilt University (online)
(12) Ibid.
(13) Petition of Francisco Yenobart for permission to marry, Matrimonial licenses, Reel 132, Bundle 298R9, #110, East Florida Papers.
Saturday, May 21, 2016
Saturday Night Genealogy Fun: My Genealogy Life
From Randy Seaver's Genea-musings, here is tonight's challenge.
Tonight's rules:
How much genealogy and family history work do you do, on average, each week? What tasks do you routinely perform every day, every month, every year?
Share your genealogy life in your own blog post, in a comment to this post, or on Facebook or google+.
These days, my family genealogy has taken a back seat to my work as a historian, researching the people and families of St. Augustine, Florida, during the Second Spanish Period (1784-1821). I am taking a historical and genealogical approach to my subject. Most days, I am still translating the marriage permission petitions filed by people who did not have qualified relatives in St. Augustine or nearby who could grant them the required permission to marry. I have finished the rough translations, the first pass-through, and am now working on the smooth translations. They are about halfway done.
This project will, I hope, be published in a book. That will probably come in a year or two. The book will include these translations, commentaries on them based on the law that was in force at the time, how these petitions reflect the implementation of that law in St. Augustine, extracts from the actual marriage records from the Catholic diocese, and background and discussion of the law. Most of the latter will be drawn from my master's thesis.
The book is part of my effort to delve into the relationships between the various ethnic or national groups that made up St. Augustine at that time. Work has been done on the Minorcan population of St. Augustine, and the African-American population, and the British, and the Spanish, but no one has really inquired into how these groups interacted and were inter-related. That is what I hope to accomplish, and it will probably span several books.
I have just upgraded my Legacy genealogical software, which I will be using to enter the data I am gathering on the people of St. Augustine during the subject period. I think Legacy will help greatly in analyzing these data.
I have also done some translation work on old Spanish documents for a couple of clients, though I usually do not do client work. One also, however, does not turn away such paying work when it lands in one's lap!
I have already amassed two file cabinets full of dossiers on people who lived in St. Augusting during the Second Spanish Period. I characterize myself as the J. Edgar Hoover of old St. Augustine!
So my own family history has languished in the process.
Tonight's rules:
How much genealogy and family history work do you do, on average, each week? What tasks do you routinely perform every day, every month, every year?
Share your genealogy life in your own blog post, in a comment to this post, or on Facebook or google+.
These days, my family genealogy has taken a back seat to my work as a historian, researching the people and families of St. Augustine, Florida, during the Second Spanish Period (1784-1821). I am taking a historical and genealogical approach to my subject. Most days, I am still translating the marriage permission petitions filed by people who did not have qualified relatives in St. Augustine or nearby who could grant them the required permission to marry. I have finished the rough translations, the first pass-through, and am now working on the smooth translations. They are about halfway done.
This project will, I hope, be published in a book. That will probably come in a year or two. The book will include these translations, commentaries on them based on the law that was in force at the time, how these petitions reflect the implementation of that law in St. Augustine, extracts from the actual marriage records from the Catholic diocese, and background and discussion of the law. Most of the latter will be drawn from my master's thesis.
The book is part of my effort to delve into the relationships between the various ethnic or national groups that made up St. Augustine at that time. Work has been done on the Minorcan population of St. Augustine, and the African-American population, and the British, and the Spanish, but no one has really inquired into how these groups interacted and were inter-related. That is what I hope to accomplish, and it will probably span several books.
I have just upgraded my Legacy genealogical software, which I will be using to enter the data I am gathering on the people of St. Augustine during the subject period. I think Legacy will help greatly in analyzing these data.
I have also done some translation work on old Spanish documents for a couple of clients, though I usually do not do client work. One also, however, does not turn away such paying work when it lands in one's lap!
I have already amassed two file cabinets full of dossiers on people who lived in St. Augusting during the Second Spanish Period. I characterize myself as the J. Edgar Hoover of old St. Augustine!
So my own family history has languished in the process.
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